Ballistic Missile Defence in the context of The Evolution of U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy during the past fifty years
A Submission to The Standing Committee on National Defence and Veterans Affairs House of Commons, Ottawa

by
David R. Morgan
National President,
Veterans Against Nuclear Arms
Tel: 604-985-7147 Fax: 604-985-1260 e-mail: dmorgan@web.net

Security

We will not find security
in an endless weapons race
not in the depths of oceans
nor the voids of outer space.
That hi-tech hi-cost systems
will save us is a fable.
Security grows from meeting foes
around a low-tech wooden table

David Morgan 19 March 1999


Contents

  1. Letter of transmittal

  2. Introduction:

  3. Summary:(Fact)

  4. Conclusions: (Opinion)

  5. Recommendations:

  6. Historical N-Related events in USA to put BMD in Perspective:
    6 - 1 U.S. Nuclear Weapon Monopoly (1945-1960)
    6 - 2 Mutually Assured Destruction (1960-1974)
    6 - 3 First Strike Capability Goal (1974-Present)

  7. Current N-Related events in USA to put BMD in perspective
    7 - 1 Trident D-5 Missile Upgrading
    7 - 2 Inactive Reserve Policy
    7 - 3 Subcritical Testing (Stockpile Stewardship)
    7 - 4 High Frontier/Space Domination policy

  8. Addendum

  9. References


1 Letter of transmittal

Veterans Against Nuclear Arms (VANA)
Veterans Contre les Armes Nucleaires
CANADA
Date: 5 April 2000

To: Honourable Members of The Standing Committee on National Defence and Veterans Affairs, House of Commons, Ottawa

Re: Ballistic Missile Defence

Honourable Members:

Accompanying this letter is my submission on the topic of Ballistic Missile Defence.

There is an important Addendum (Section 8 - 0) to this report. It is an article by Robert C. Aldridge who is a former designer of Polaris and Trident missile systems, and whose book “First Strike!” has been a very useful source in the writing of my report. Since his article arrived today, too late to incorporate into the report, I have made it an addendum to the report.

Yours truly,

David Morgan, VANA National President


2 INTRODUCTION:
This submission will not attempt to analyze the technology of Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) or try to balance the views of one group of experts against another group to show that this defence would (or would not) be effective and that Canada should (or should not) therefore become involved in the program, based on the balance of these technological assessments.

Instead, my submission will attempt to place BMD in the context of the evolution of U.S. nuclear weapons policy during the past fifty years. I will show that the BMD being proposed today is a part of, follows on from and is consistent with the thinking and nuclear war fighting strategies of the Cold War.


3 SUMMARY: (Fact)

  1. Under U.S. presidents Nixon, Carter and Reagan, nuclear war fighting strategies aimed at achieving the capability of an unanswerable surprise First Strike attack on the Soviet Union.
  2. First Use of nuclear weapons has always been, and remains to date, a U.S. and NATO strategic option in response to a conventional attack.
  3. The preparedness postures for First Use and First Strike are indistinguishable.
  4. Cold War First Strike capability plans included a “Counterforce” U.S. missile attack by MX & Trident II missiles, which would knock out almost all Soviet missiles in hardened silos, submarines, mobile launchers and also the strategic bomber fleet.
  5. Counterforce, by its capability of knocking out almost all Soviet missiles before they were even launched, was in effect, the prime ballistic missile defence.
  6. The role of Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD), also known as Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI) or 'Star Wars, was to mop up those few Soviet missiles that somehow survived Counterforce and had then been launched.
  7. Since even ten or twenty such Soviet missiles could do catastrophic damage to the U.S.A., a highly reliable BMD was an essential component of a First Strike capability.
  8. U.S.A. today retains the capability to launch a Counterforce attack.
  9. A highly reliable BMD has not yet been achieved anywhere.


4 CONCLUSIONS: (Opinion)

  1. The U.S. system of Counterforce not only remains in place after the Cold War’s end, but has been made even stronger by the current D-5 missile up-grading in the Trident submarine fleet.
  2. Since all of the other components of an unanswerable First Strike are in place today, current U.S. demands for a BMD system must also be considered as demands for a First Strike capability.
  3. A BMD system that could reliably “mop-up” all of a big antagonist’s few approaching missiles that survive a Counterforce strike, is consistent with thirty years of U.S. nuclear strategy planning.
  4. A BMD system with this capability is essential to make the threat of a First Strike credible, and for this threat to be a useful tool of U.S. political dominance.
  5. This is the essential role of a U.S. BMD system. Both the Russians and the Chinese understand this very clearly.
  6. Ballistic Missile Defence will also be a shield against any nuclear missile attack by a small, “rogue” state such as North Korea or Iran, though this purpose is secondary.
  7. For the U.S. to break the Anti Ballistic Missile (ABM) bilateral Treaty signed with the Soviets on 3 October 1972, would be a major de-stabilizing event, comparable to the eastward expansion of NATO and NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia.
  8. Added to the U.S. Senate’s refusal to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, it could well signal the start of a proliferation of nuclear arms and even the start of a new form of the Cold War.
  9. Canada should therefore refuse to become involved in any aspect of Ballistic Missile Defence.
  10. The defence of North America against nuclear armed ballistic missiles is not a technical problem or a military problem. It is a political problem.
  11. The solution to this political problem lies, first of all, in honouring existing agreements about the control of nuclear weapons, such as the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).
  12. Beyond this, the solution lies ultimately in the abolition of nuclear weapons.


5 RECOMMENDATIONS:

  1. Canada should have no part in any ballistic missile defence plan, and should oppose it openly. There is a sizable, well informed constituency, both in Canada and in the U.S. who would support such opposition.
  2. Canada should withdraw from all nuclear armed alliances so that she is free to work to reduce the political value of nuclear weapons.
  3. Canada should support the aims of the New Agenda Coalition as expressed in U.N. Resolution 53/77Y, adopted 4 December 1998.


6 HISTORICAL N-RELATED EVENTS in USA to put BMD in PERSPECTIVE:

The history of U.S. nuclear weapons policy since 1945 has consisted of three main stages:

  1. First came a monopoly of nuclear weapons which gave the U.S. enormous military and political advantages. These advantages dwindled after the Soviets exploded their first bomb.
  2. Second came a period of uneasy stability in which it was accepted that nuclear war meant a Mutually Assured Destruction.
  3. Finally, very costly and sophisticated U.S. technology advances seemed to put within reach the capability for an unanswerable First Strike, in which Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) played a vital part. We are still in this final stage today.
These three well defined stages of nuclear weapon strategic development are presented in more detail below.

6 - 1 U.S. Nuclear Weapon Monopoly (1945-1960)

The U.S. emerged from World War II virtually unscathed and in exclusive possession of the atomic bomb. A twice-demonstrated willingness to use this frightful weapon, gave the U.S. great political leverage in the post-war settlement with the Soviet Union of their respective zones of dominance. President Truman of the United States believed that the Soviet Union would never be able to make an atomic bomb. He did not hesitate to use the threat of U.S. atomic bombs. In March 1946, only eight months after World War II ended, President Truman threatened the Soviets with the atom bomb over the Soviet occupation of the Azerbaijan province of northwest Iran.(Kaku 1987, p.32) Soviet forces withdrew. Similar threats lay behind U.S. dominance in the Yugoslav crisis in November 1946 and the far more serious Berlin I crisis (24 June 1948-30 September 1949). The terminal event of this period came on 3 September 1949 when the Soviets exploded their first atomic bomb. The American monopoly of atomic bomb know-how had lasted barely four years.

Although the Soviets exploded their first atom bomb on 3 September 1949, it would be several years before the day came when they could mount a dangerous attack.. The U.S. military calculated that this day would be in 1954 and named it “A-Day.” Presidents Truman and Eisenhower came under great pressure from the military to use nuclear weapons in the Korean War (Crisis #4, June 1950-July 1953), the Dien Bien Phu siege (Crisis#5, 8 March-19 June 1954) and even in the China I crisis over Quemoy & Matsu islands (Crisis# 6, September 1954-May 1955) by which time the new Soviet Bear and Bison bombers, for the first time, put the U.S.A. in range of attack. By 1955, the Soviets had approximately 200 strategic nuclear weapons.

U.S. unwillingness to accept that their nuclear weapon monopoly was at an end, made the final stages of this period the second most dangerous period in human history. It took the very dangerous Berlin III Crisis (Crisis# 10, 13 July-17 October 1961) and finally the terrifying Cuban missile crisis (Crisis# 11, 14-28 October, 1962) for the new reality to sink in: By 1962 the Soviets had 3,322 nuclear weapons. Nuclear war meant Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). The date used here for the start of the MAD period, 1960, indicates the date when this destruction was possible, rather than when it was recognized and accepted.

6 - 2 Mutually Assured Destruction (1960-1974)

Following the Cuban missile crisis there was a seven year period (1962-1969) during which there were no nuclear crises. However, this period of uneasy stability was under steady erosion. The U.S. made a determined push to upset the strategic balance in its favour by building an unanswerable first strike nuclear attack capability against the Soviet Union. This idea was proposed by Defense Secretary McNamara on 11 June 1962:

“ (A)...principal military objective(s) in the event of a nuclear war...should be the destruction of the enemy’s military forces...”

The destruction of the enemies missiles and bombers came to be known as “Counterforce.” This, essentially, is the ideal form of ballistic missile defence, since it destroys almost all of the adversary’s missiles before they are even launched. Since this destruction was never likely to be complete, a defensive shield to protect the U.S.A. from those few Soviet missiles that had survived the Counterforce First Strike, was an essential component of a U.S. First Strike capability. A ballistic missile defence (BMD) system was therefore a “mopping-up” system, following a massive Counterforce First Strike. It is very important to realize that a BMD system that can reliably “mop-up” all of the antagonist’s few approaching missiles that survive a Counterforce First Strike, is essential to make the threat of a First Strike credible, and for this threat to be a useful tool of political dominance. This is the essential role of a U.S. BMD system. Both the Russians and the Chinese understand this very clearly.

It is still widely believed that U.S. military and political leaders still operate under an essentially passive Mutually Assured Destruction policy of massive deterrence capability. It is not widely realized that the U.S. has pursued very aggressive and dangerous nuclear war fighting policies since 1974. Ballistic Missile Defence has been an essential component of these policies and remains so to the present.

The U.S. decision to end the strategic balance of mutually assured destruction and to plunge ahead with programs for Counterforce and nuclear war fighting came in January 1974 when President Nixon signed National Security Decision Memorandum (NSDM) 242.

6 - 3 First Strike Capability Goal (1974-Present)

An unanswerable first strike capability has long been the goal of U.S. strategic nuclear war planners. The technological difficulties were enormous, the cost of overcoming them astronomical. President Nixon’s NSDM 242 put the program in high gear.

There were two technological advances which brought the possibility of a very efficient Counterforce strike much closer. The first of these advances was in the miniaturization of warheads. This made it possible for up to seventeen warheads to be packed into the nose cone of a missile. This missile could act as a “bus” that dropped off its warhead “passengers” close to their targets along its route

The second advance was an enormous increase in warhead accuracy. This was achieved by enabling these warheads to manoeuvre by make fine-tuning adjustments to their path, after leaving the bus, by a combination of precise position fixes, using the Navstar satellite system in deep space. (Aldridge 1983, p.124) The “bus” rocket with its Manoeuverable Advanced Re-entry Vehicle warheads is known as a MARV’d missile. The huge number of accurately placed warheads, that this makes possible, was essential for a Counterforce knock-out of Soviet strategic missiles dispersed in hardened silos, submarines, mobile launchers and bomber aircraft.

Using 17 MARVs per missile

...“it would require only seven Trident submarines to wipe out all but 140 of the Soviet Union’s land based strategic missiles. ...A ...”second salvo would require only one more submarine load of missiles and would destroy all but fourteen of the remaining silos. A second salvo wouldn’t be necessary, however, once the U.S. deploys the ballistic missile defense system currently under development.”

(Aldridge 1983, p.97)

First strike capability was given clear definition in President Carter’s Presidential Directives, starting with PD 18 of 24 August 1977 and ending with PD 59 of 25 July 1980. This proposed capability had four components:

  1. Anti Satellite (ASAT): ASAT weapons are launched to knock out the Soviet warning system.
  2. Decapitation: Destruction of Soviet leadership by very accurate Pershing IIs.
  3. Counterforce: Destruction of almost all of the Soviet missiles in hardened silos, submarines, mobile launchers and the strategic bomber fleet by MX & Trident II (D-5) missiles.
  4. Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI) or 'Star Wars: A ballistic missile defence system to mop up any Soviet missiles that somehow survived Counterforce and had been launched.

    (Kaku, 1987, p.195)

This last and essential component was tightly limited by the Anti Ballistic Missile treaty of 3 October 1972 between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union. This prohibition did not prevent intense research into designing and building a reliable shield.

The importance of a SDI (Star Wars, ABM, BMD) type shield in a First Strike capability was admitted by Lt. Col. Robert Bowman, U.S. Air Force director, who directed the search for such a shield under President Carter. He called it“...the missing link to a First Strike.” (Kaku 1987, p.242).

This section has attempted to show that a ballistic missile defence had an essential role in a credible First Strike capability during the Cold War. The next and final section will consider the situation since the end of the Cold War.


7 CURRENT N-RELATED EVENTS in USA to put BMD in PERSPECTIVE

The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 provided a valuable opportunity for nuclear arms reductions and an end to the very dangerous Cold War strategies which resulted in at least sixteen nuclear crises. (Morgan 1998)

Nuclear arms reductions have indeed taken place, but not in the Counterforce-capable missile deployments. In fact the Trident submarine fleet missiles have been up-graded to a higher Counterforce capability. Large numbers of aging nuclear warheads will also be up-graded during the next fifteen years. New nuclear weapon capabilities are being developed using sub-critical nuclear weapons tests. Finally, a responsible U.S. military official has spoken of plans to dominate the Earth from space.

These examples of current U.S. military activity, by no means exhaustive, indicate a continued heavy reliance on nuclear weapons and a Counterforce capability. Since all of the other components of an unanswerable First Strike remain in place today, current U.S. demands for a BMD system must also be considered as demands for a First Strike capability.

7 - 1 Trident D-5 Missile Upgrading:

The role of the highly accurate manoeuvering warheads of the MARV’d Trident II or D-5 missile in a First Strike has been mentioned above. The retro-fitting of these missiles in the older submarines of the U.S. strategic Trident submarine fleet, has proceeded since the end of the Cold War, as the articles below indicate. This shows that a First Strike capability is not only being maintained, but is being improved, whether or not there is an intent now or in the future to make a First Strike attack.

“Beginning with the ninth Trident submarine, the USS Tennessee, the subs were armed with the Trident II D-5 missile system. Added funds in fiscal 2000 would permit the Ohio and other older subs to be retrofitted to carry the D-5. The D-5 has warheads with a range of 4,000 miles and the ability to maneuver to avoid any antiballistic missile defense...”

(Washington Post 3 Jan’99, p.A22)

“As of today, there are 10 modern Tridents based at Kings Bay, Ga., all armed with highly accurate D-5 missiles that can travel more than 4,000 miles. Eight older Tridents, fitted with 24 of the earlier C-4 missiles, are based at Bangor, Wash. If current law continues, all eight of the older Tridents would have to have their nuclear engines refurbished and their launching systems would need to be retrofitted to carry modern D-5 missiles.”

(Washington Post 7Jan 1999, p.A23)

7 - 2 Inactive Reserve Policy:

“The Energy Department plans to renovate more than 6000 aging nuclear warheads during the next 15 years, almost double the number the United States is allowed to deploy under the START II arms reduction treaty according to senior U.S. officials. The plan to keep an "inactive reserve" of 2,500 to 3,000 more warheads than permitted to be deployed under START II is the product of a little-publicized Clinton administration nuclear policy called "lead and hedge." It was described to Congress in 1996 by Harold Smith, Jr., then assistant to the secretary of defense for nuclear, chemical and biological defense programs. He said that while the administration "leads" by pushing for force reductions in arms-control negotiations, the United States has to retain the ability to “hedge” by returning to START I levels."

(Washington Post article, carried in the 27 March 2000 Las Vegas Review Journal)

7 - 3 Subcritical Testing (Stockpile Stewardship)

Nuclear weapons testing using plutonium in small subcritical amounts that are not big enough to set off a chain reaction, began in 1997 and continue to date. The last one, subcritical test “Thoroughbred,” was set off on 22 March 2000 at the Nevada Lyner facility. The second news item below indicates that these tests are connected with the development of new nuclear weapons.

“WASHINGTON, June 27, 1997 (Reuter) - The U.S. Energy Department said on Friday it would begin controversial new underground nuclear weapons-related tests on July 2.

"We're going ahead with our subcritical experiments Wednesday, July 2," an Energy Department spokeswoman said. The government had been under a court order not to announce any tests until Friday evening, when a federal judge was expected to rule on a lawsuit filed by anti-nuclear groups seeking to stop the $40 billion programme designed to maintain the U.S. nuclear arsenal without exploding weapons. The Clinton administration says the experiments are needed to assess how age affects the materials in the nuclear stockpile and to predict how the weapons will perform without testing them. But in a letter to President Bill Clinton last week, 44 House lawmakers urged the administration to drop its test plans, saying that the U.S. programme would encourage other nations with less high-tech equipment to justify underground testing. The first experiment, code-named REBOUND, will take place at the government's Nevada Test Site.”

"I'd hate to say we'll be done [with subcritical tests] in 10 years,” said Los Alamos Nuclear Laboratory’s Wolkerstorfer. "In 10 years, we're going to be building different pits, different weapons."

(Ian Hoffman, “Managing the Nuclear Arsenal," Albuquerque Journal, 6/1/97.)

7 - 4 High Frontier/Space Domination policy:

This statement by U.S. General Joseph Ashby, CIC Space Command, has been widely quoted. Whether it is factual and outlines U.S. Space Command policy, is unclear. If it is factual and does outline this policy, it reveals a very belligerent vision for the future which is quite consistent with pursuit of a First Strike capability.

"It's politically sensitive, but it's going to happen...We're going to fight in space. We're going to fight from space and we're going to fight into space... That's why the U.S. has development programs in directed energy and hit-to-kill mechanisms. We'll expand into these two missions - space control and space force application because they will become increasingly important. We will engage terrestrial targets some day - ships, airplanes, land targets - from space. We will engage targets in space, from space."

(General Joseph Ashby, CIC Space Command, in its magazine. These plans would break the Outer Space Treaty of 1967 which states that "space shall be used for peaceful purposes.')


8 ADDENDUM:

This article arrived by e-mail on the day that I finished this report. It is very much on-topic and written by Robert C. Aldridge who is a former designer of Polaris and Trident missile systems, and whose book “First Strike!” has been a very useful source in the writing of this report. Since his article arrived today, too late to incorporate into the report, I have made it an addendum to the report.

1 April 2000
AMERICA'S NUCLEAR STRATEGY: DEFENSIVE OR FIRST STRIKE?
by Bob Aldridge

In the wake of the cold war, Americans have been propagandized into believing nuclear weapons are benign. We are told these weapons are only a defensive hedge against any aspiring nuclear power -- we are not told that more effective means of preventing international rivalry are going untried. We are assured that nuclear weapons are no longer aimed at cities -- we are not told it takes only minutes to switch the targets back again. We are told that nuclear weapons safeguard America's interest -- we are not told those interests are exploiting the valuable resources, the best land, and the cheap wages from which the richest countries prosper while unrest grows among the poorer. Let us look at some more facts.

  1. Satellite warfare has been advancing with a little known annual budget for years, while ballistic missile defense technologies are also applicable against satellites. Now, under the euphemism of "Space Control," the Pentagon wants to increase spending. In a US first strike, destroying an enemy's early warning and communications satellites would hinder getting the launch command to his missiles before they are destroyed.

  2. America's long-range nuclear missiles -- both land-based and submarine-based -- are said to deter another country from striking first. Yet the pinpoint accuracy of those weapons makes them deadly against extremely hard targets such as missile silos -- targets which must be destroyed in a first strike before the missiles are launched.

  3. Submarine warfare missions -- mainly intelligence gathering -- have increased, claims the Pentagon. It now wants to increase the current inventory of 56 attack subs to 68 by 2015. These subs can also track the reduced number of Russian missile-launching subs which are confined to the Barents Sea and the Sea Of Okhotsk, and destroy them on command.

  4. Ballistic missile defense is presented as needed to guard against a small number of missiles such as an accidental launch by a nuclear power or a strike by a rogue nation. But what is being developed would just as easily intercept enemy missiles that survived a US first strike.

  5. Command, control, communications, and intelligence has been vigorously pursued by the US military. These are necessary to integrate and coordinate the previous four items. The systems itemized above are the five essential ingredients of a first-strike capability. The US is vigorously pursuing each one and some are at a high degree of perfection. As the old axiom goes: actions speak louder than words. In this case, a country's intentions are more accurately determined by the capabilities it seeks, rather than policy statements it promulgates. America has, or is very close to achieving, a disarming and unanswerable first-strike capability.

9 REFERENCES:

  1. Aldridge, R.C. 1983 First Strike! The Pentagon’s Plans for Nuclear War. Boston, South End Press

  2. Kaku, M., and Axelrod, D. 1987 To Win a Nuclear War, The Pentagon’s Secret War Plans. Montreal, Black Rose Books

  3. Morgan, D.R. 1998 Summaries of the Threats of Use of Nuclear Weapons during the Sixteen Known Nuclear Crises of the Cold War, A submission to SCFAIT, House of Commons, Ottawa, 5 February 1998

  4. Prins, G. ed. 1983 Defended to Death, A Study of the Nuclear Arms Race from the Cambridge University Disarmament Seminar, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books


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